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Dialogue

Is India’s BRICS Achievement Really a Diplomatic Victory?

The unanimous condemnation of the Pahalgam terrorist attack in the New Delhi Declaration, adopted at the 18th BRICS Summit hosted by India on September 12, 2026, marks a meaningful diplomatic milestone for New Delhi. The April 22, 2025 attack at Baisaran near Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir, killed 26 people and precipitated one of the most severe deteriorations in India-Pakistan relations in recent years. In its aftermath India mounted a sustained diplomatic campaign to internationalize the issue of what it describes as cross-border terrorism and secure broader multilateral recognition of its position.

This is not the first time BRICS has addressed Pahalgam the bloc's July 2025 Rio de Janeiro Declaration issued at the 17th Summit in Brazil had already condemned the attack in similar terms. The New Delhi Declaration's significance lies in the fact that India, this year's host and chair, secured a renewed and unanimous condemnation on its own soil, alongside broader language on terrorism financing, safe havens and cross-border militant movement terms India has emphasized in its diplomacy.

The declaration's principal value for India lies in diplomatic validation. New Delhi has consistently sought to frame the Pahalgam attack not as a narrow bilateral dispute with Pakistan but as an instance of a wider internationally recognized threat. Embedding that framing in a major multilateral declaration one adopted by consensus among a diverse and often fractious grouping reinforces India's preferred narrative in a way bilateral statements from individual partners cannot.

BRICS carries particular diplomatic weight here precisely because it is not a Western-led institution. Its membership includes countries that routinely challenge the primacy of Western-dominated forums and position themselves as champions of the Global South. Condemnation from such a coalition therefore carries a distinct legitimacy broadening the base of India's international support beyond its traditional partners in Washington, Europe, and elsewhere. The participation of Russia and China was especially consequential. Russia has long maintained a close strategic relationship with India so its support was expected. China's position was less straightforward, given Beijing's deep strategic partnership with Islamabad through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and extensive defense and economic cooperation. That China was willing to join a collective condemnation while the declaration stopped short of naming Pakistan illustrates Beijing's approach to balancing a general counterterrorism position against its own regional interests.

China's calculus deserves particular attention. Beijing has its own domestic concerns around terrorism and separatism giving it a genuine interest in supporting broad counterterrorism language. At the same time its strategic partnership with Pakistan makes it unwilling to endorse language explicitly assigning responsibility to Islamabad. The New Delhi Declaration reflects exactly this balance: it condemns the attack in strong terms and commits members to fighting terrorism in all its forms and manifestations but does not name Pakistan or explicitly attribute responsibility. This is a meaningful distinction. China's willingness to support the condemnation should not be read as an endorsement of India's broader case regarding responsibility for the attack. Rather it reflects the consensus-driven nature of BRICS diplomacy, in which member states with sharply different bilateral relationships find common ground in general principles while avoiding direct confrontation over contested specifics.

Indian officials have understandably characterized the New Delhi Declaration as a diplomatic success and the achievement is real securing unanimous condemnation from a diverse non-Western grouping strengthens India's case that Pahalgam deserves sustained international attention. Yet describing the outcome as a decisive victory would overstate it. The central limitation is that Pakistan was not named. One of India's principal diplomatic objectives since the attack has been to secure multilateral recognition of its position that the attack was linked to militant networks it alleges are based in Pakistan. Instead, the declaration treats terrorism as a general international security challenge a formulation broad enough for member states with divergent interests to accept without confronting the disputed question of responsibility which India has raised. This is the underlying paradox of the achievement: the broader and more general the language the easier it was for BRICS members to reach consensus, but the broader the language, the less directly it advances India's specific objective of securing greater international diplomatic pressure on Pakistan.

It is also worth recognizing that BRICS members have independent reasons to condemn terrorism that are not simply a function of Indian lobbying. Terrorism threatens political stability, economic development, and regional security interests that matter to the bloc as a whole. Prolonged insecurity undermines tourism, trade, investment and regional connectivity concerns shared across BRICS' diverse membership. Condemning the Pahalgam attack, in other words reflects the collective interests of member states as much as India's specific diplomatic campaign. From Islamabad's perspective the absence of its name in the declaration may be seen as significant, but the condemnation itself also matters. It highlights the continuing importance Pakistan attaches to its counterterrorism credentials and to addressing any allegations involving its territory or nationals through transparent credible investigative and legal mechanisms. Pakistan has consistently denied responsibility for the attack. Its stated position has been that its diplomatic strength lies not in rhetorical denial alone, but in engaging seriously with evidence, international law, and independent investigation. Islamabad has also maintained a clear basis for distinguishing between condemning terrorism in general and accepting India's broader political narrative on Kashmir in Pakistan's view these remain separate questions that need not be conflated.

India's achievement at the New Delhi Summit can be assessed on three levels. Diplomatically, India secured renewed, unanimous condemnation from a major Global South grouping, reinforcing its international narrative on terrorism. Strategically, the declaration's language on terrorist financing, safe havens and cross-border movement gives New Delhi useful vocabulary for its ongoing counterterrorism diplomacy—vocabulary that reflects India's preferred framing. Politically however, the absence of Pakistan's name illustrates the limits of India's influence within the bloc. BRICS members were willing to condemn terrorism collectively but not to convert the organization into a vehicle for explicitly assigning responsibility to a state that is a close partner of one of its own members.

The New Delhi Declaration is therefore best understood as a qualified diplomatic success neither an empty statement nor a comprehensive Indian victory. It demonstrates that India can build consensus on counterterrorism even among states with sharply divergent geopolitical interests while also showing that BRICS remains fundamentally a consensus-based multilateral forum rather than an instrument of any single member's foreign policy. The real test for India going forward will be whether such declarations translate into sustained international cooperation against terrorist financing, recruitment networks and safe havens  while avoiding further escalation between two nuclear-armed neighbors.